As regards the northern parts, we note with satisfaction your desire to avoid anything which might possibly injure the alliance of Great Britain and France. The anti-Zionist argument dominated the scholarly writing on the McMahon-Hussein correspondence until the late 1960s. Without this much opposed prophetic foresight there would not have been an Israel today. I think you know that the Jews took over a land, as Mark Twain said, had been a dreary, desolate place in 1867 and through dint of hard work and labour, they made a huge success of it. We know that our lot in this war will be either a success, which will guarantee to the Arabs a life becoming their past history, or destruction in the attempt to attain their objects.
Therefore, they have found it necessary first to discuss this point with the Power in whom they now have their confidence and trust as a final appeal, viz, the illustrious British Empire. At the same time we beg you not to embark or send him in a steamer, or officially, the means already arranged being sufficient. We rejoice, moreover, that your Highness and your people are of one opinion-that Arab interests are English interests and English Arab. Friedman in rebuttal argues that the shadowy figure who authored the History of the Hedjaz Rising was Olmsby-Gore. In addition to which the citizens of Beirut will decidedly never accept such dismemberment, and they may oblige us to undertake new measures which may exercise Great Britain, certainly not less than her present troubles, because of our belief and certainty in the reciprocity and indeed the identity of our interests, which is the only cause that caused us never to care to negotiate with any other Power but you. At the same time many Jews started to enter Palestine as a result of what they believed the Balfour Declaration had offered them. Join us by visiting , where you can add your name to the where you can contribute to the.
Letter from McMahon to Husayn, January 25, 1916 After customary greetings. We received from the bearer your letter, dated the 9th Safar the 14th December, 1915 , with great respect and honour, and I have understood its contents, which caused me the greatest pleasure and satisfaction, as it removed that which had made me uneasy. If you would like to participate, please visit the project page, where you can join the and see a list of open tasks. Sir Henry McMahon, acting on behalf of the British government, met with Sherif Hussein of Mecca in 1915 and made what were taken to be a series of promises to the Arab people. We ask God to prosper your endeavors and to further the work which you have taken in hand.
Other evidence includes a series of negotiations between Feisal and Chaim Weizmann of the World Zionist Organization that resulted in a working agreement on how to settle the Middle East. This article has not yet received a rating on the project's. Reporting the conflict between Arabs and Jews is a great way to make enemies. If you choose to send a reply to this, please send it with the bearer. Yet within these limits they have not included places inhabited by a foreign race. But in order to render an accord easy, and taking into consideration the assurances mentioned in the fifth article of your letter to keep and guard our mutual interests in that country as they are one and the same, for all these reasons we might agree to leave under the British administration for a short time those districts now occupied by the British troops without the rights of either party being prejudiced thereby especially those of the Arab nation; which interests are to it economic and vital , and against a suitable sum paid as compensation to the Arab Kingdom for the period of occupation, in order to meet the expenses which every new kingdom is bound to support; at the same time respecting your agreements with the Sheikhs of those districts, and especially those which are essential.
The McMahon-Hussein Correspondence 14 July 1915 - 10 March 1916 From Sharif Hussein, 14 July 1915 Whereas the whole of the Arab nation without any exception have decided in these last years to accomplish their freedom, and grasp the reins of their administration both in theory and practice; and whereas they have found and felt that it is in the interest of the Government of Great Britain to support them and aid them in the attainment of their firm and lawful intentions which are based upon the maintenance of the honour and dignity of their life without any ulterior motives whatsoever unconnected with this object; And whereas it is to their the Arabs' interest also to prefer the assistance of the Government of Great Britain in consideration of their geographic position and economic interests, and also of the attitude of the above-mentioned Government, which is known to both nations and therefore need not be emphasized; For these reasons the Arab nation sees fit to limit themselves, as time is short, to asking the Government of Great Britain, if it should think fit, for the approval, through her deputy or representative, of the following fundamental propositions, leaving out all things considered secondary in comparison with these, so that it may prepare all means necessary for attaining this noble purpose, until such time as it finds occasion for making the actual negotiations:- Firstly. The Government of Great Britain, as I have already informed you, are ready to give all guarantees of assistance and support within their power to the Arab Kingdom, but their interests demand, as you yourself have recognised, a friendly and stable administration in the vilayet of Bagdad, and the adequate safeguarding of these interests calls for a much fuller and more detailed consideration than the present situation and the urgency of these negotiations permit. Consequently, it is impossible to allow any derogation that gives France, or any other Power, a span of land in those regions. With reference to your remark in your letter above mentioned that some of our people are still doing their utmost in promoting the interests of Turkey, your goodness lit. Moreover, Palestine could not be considered even in 1915 as exclusively Arab territory. These historians did not do that.
It remains for us to state what we need at present: Firstly — The amount of 50,000 in gold for the monthly pay of the troops levied, and other things the necessity of which needs no explanation. We beg you most emphatically not to tell him anything, keeping this affair secret, and he should be treated apparently as if he were nothing out of the way. It remains for us to state what we need at present: Firstly. The Lord Chancellor has taken note of the argument based upon the fact that in his letter of December I4th, 1915, Sir Henry McMahon only referred to the possible exclusion from the area of Arab independence of the two Vilayets of Aleppo and Beirut, and these two only, without any mention of the Sanjaq of Jerusalem or of other areas. With my colleagues I do take into account the difficulties that the Palestinians have faced and are facing now.
McMahon admitted himself years later that Palestine was never included in the proposed Arab kingdom. Please do not copy this page to your Web site. As regards the northern parts, we note with satisfaction your desire to avoid anything which might possibly injure the alliance of Great Britain and France. With the above modification, and without prejudice of our existing treaties with Arab chiefs, we accept those limits. This article has not yet received a rating on the project's. The Sykes-Picot agreement was designed to win the peace for Britain and France.
Letter from Husayn to McMahon, January 1, 1916 In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate! And, if not personally, it is entirely possible that Toynbee could have communicated with Olmsby-Gore on any number of occasions either about this issue or other Foreign Office matters concerning the Middle East. In this connexion it must be remembered that Sir Mark Sykes was definitely sympathetic towards the Arab cause and he must clearly have negotiated the agreement in the belief that the reservations in the pledge of October 24th, 1915, justified his concluding an agreement in the form which it eventually assumed. If you would like to participate, please visit the project page, where you can join the project and see a. The remainder will be collected as quickly as possible and will be deposited at Port Sudan, where it will remain until we hear from you officially of the beginning of the movement and of the places to which they may be conveyed and the intermediaries who will carry out the orders for receiving them. The capture of Erzerum, and the defeats sustained by the Turks in the Caucasus, are having a great effect in our favour, and are greatly helping the cause for which we are both working. The idea that with the end of Turkish colonialism, but without Sykes-Picot, they would all have naturally formed into states with agreed borders, and an equitable division of natural resources, is fanciful. In an effort to support his ambitions, Ḥusayn reached out to the British.